How solid is the Red Sea Task Force?

With the Combined Task Force 153 U.S. President Joe Biden aimed to present a robust international reaction to the Houthi attacks on Red Sea shipping by introducing a new maritime force. However, one week after its initiation, several allies are reluctant to be associated with it, either publicly or in any form.

The arguments

Two European allies of the United States, Italy and Spain, both identified as contributors to Operation Prosperity Guardian, have released statements that seem to distance themselves from the maritime force. According to the Pentagon, the force comprises a defensive coalition involving over 20 nations, ensuring the unimpeded flow of commerce worth billions of dollars through a critical shipping chokepoint in the Red Sea near Yemen.

Despite this, nearly half of the participating countries have not yet acknowledged their contributions or permitted the U.S. to publicize them. These contributions vary from deploying warships to simply sending a staff officer.

While the U.S. asserts that 20 countries have joined its maritime task force, only 12 names have been disclosed. The EU has expressed support for the task force, condemning Houthi attacks in a joint statement.

Despite public endorsement from countries like Britain and Greece, some listed in the U.S. announcement quickly clarified their non-direct involvement. Italy stated its decision to send a ship to the Red Sea was in response to requests from Italian ship owners, not part of the U.S. operation. France voiced support for securing Red Sea navigation but insisted its ships would remain under French command.

Spain rejected Operation Prosperity Guardian, opposing the use of the existing EU anti-piracy mission, Atalanta, for Red Sea protection. However, Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez expressed openness to considering an alternative mission. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates showed no interest.

While certain countries, like Italy, haven’t formally joined Operation Prosperity Guardian, they may still collaborate within existing operations. Italy, a member of Atalanta, has not committed to the new U.S.-led initiative, but a government source mentioned that the U.S.-led coalition is content with Italy’s contribution. The decision to deploy a naval frigate is considered part of ongoing operations and doesn’t necessitate new parliamentary authorization.

The facts

Some U.S. allies are hesitant to align themselves with the maritime effort, in part due to divisions arising from the Gaza conflict. Despite international criticism of Israel’s offensive in Gaza, President Biden has maintained steadfast support.

The Iran-backed Houthis, aiming to impose an international cost over Israel’s actions, have targeted ships in the Red Sea. The U.S., UK, and French navies have intercepted Houthi-launched drones or missiles. The U.S. believes the escalating Houthi attacks require a distinct international response, separate from the Gaza conflict.

The Red Sea, crucial for global trade through the Suez Canal, has seen some ships rerouted due to Houthi attacks, leading to increased sailing time and costs. While Denmark’s Maersk has resumed operations, Germany’s Hapag Lloyd deems the Red Sea too risky, continuing to divert ships around the Cape of Good Hope.

Public discontent over Israel’s Gaza offensive contributes to political leaders’ reluctance, particularly in Spain and Italy, favouring a halt to Israeli military action in Gaza.

In reality, numerous European and Gulf countries are already part of various U.S.-led military coalitions in the Middle East, such as the 39-nation Combined Maritime Forces (CMF). The EU’s Atalanta operation has an existing “reciprocal relationship” with CMF, allowing for coordination in patrols with the U.S. Navy.

The U.S. seeks international support for its Red Sea security initiative amid challenges from Iran’s military proxies in the region. Apart from Houthi attacks in Yemen, Iran-backed militias have targeted U.S. troops in Syria and Iraq. The U.S. has conducted limited retaliatory airstrikes in Iraq and Syria but refrained from doing so in Yemen.

Analysts say the Pentagon’s objective with the new maritime coalition was to internationalize any future Houthi attacks, divorcing them from the Israel-Hamas conflict. The idea is that when military vessels in Operation Prosperity Guardian defend commercial shipping and face direct attacks, it becomes an attack on the coalition, not just the U.S..